Protestors use fireworks against policemen during a clash between Turkish police and protestors on Istiklal Avenue on September 10, 2013 in Istanbul. (BULENT KILIC/AFP/Getty Images)[/caption]The television cameras that brought Turkey’s anti-government protests to the world in June are gone from Istanbul’s Taksim Square, but unsurprisingly, protesters are still seething.
Last month saw a resurgence of protests in a relatively quiet and well-to-do corner of Istanbul following the death of protester Ahmet Atakan in Antakya, a southern Turkish city, on September 9. The consequent clashes in the Kadıköy district in Anatolian Istanbul continued for almost a week and were every bit as violent as what took place last June.
As during the Gezi Park demonstrations, the infamous Mass Incident Intervention Vehicles (TOMA trucks) and water cannons were drafted in to disperse crowds of protesters. Riot police fought street battles with protesters, who retaliated by lighting fireworks and crackers in the direction of police. The central shopping area in Kadıköy, 500 meters from the district’s busy ferry docks was a no-go area for several nights, something previously unseen in that part of the city. Tear gas entered homes a kilometer from the clashes, reminding thousands of residents that opposition to Turkish authorities remains very much alive.
The Kadıköy protests, however, were not simply spurred by the death of twenty-two year-old Atakan, whose circumstance of death has been contested (authorities say he fell from a building, demonstrators say he died after being struck by a police-fired gas canister). Instead, they portray how a section of Turkish society---the broadly well-to-do---is becoming increasingly exasperated and openly hostile to Justice and Development Party (AKP) governance.
The banging of pots from residential buildings has ceased, but the anger felt in Kadıköy, perhaps most apparent as a result of the recently imposed restrictions on the selling of alcohol, remains intact. In addition, many Gezi Park protesters have now decamped to local city parks, including to one in Kadıköy, and remain a vocal and open presence there.
Street smarts
Operating out of neighborhood parks, the protesters’ tactic is simple: regroup in residential districts and interact regularly with the families and locals that enjoy the parks on evenings and weekends, thus spreading the message of opposition to the government. With local elections slated for next March, they believe their grassroots work today could pay off at the polls.
A core element of resistance is camped at Yoğurtçu Park and was the engine behind last month’s Kadıköy clashes. Here, many are university educated but unemployed, and were forced from Gezi Park on June 15. Each night, films from around the world depicting resistance to authoritarian governments are shown on a temporary screen. Dozens of locals out walking dogs stop to watch and are drawn to the protesters’ message. Debates and meetings are regularly held. “The trees [at Gezi Park] were objects but now we’ve said ‘enough,’” said Sarkan Cator, who lives close to the park. “Our final goal is to change this government.”
Now, even the local football supporters or ultras (fanatical football fans) are backing up the protesters. Around Yoğurtçu Park, graffiti and slogans depicting the crest of Genç Fenerbahçeliler, a leading ultra group from the Kadıköy-based club Fenerbahçe, are now a common sight. With years of experience facing off against riot police, Fenerbahçe’s ultras have perhaps unsurprisingly emerged as an ally to the anti-government camp in Kadıköy. The Fenerbahçe ultras are unhappy that their team was recently banned from European competitions for two years because of corruption charges. Many believe their club was the fall guy for high-level corruption that the AKP government was fully aware of.
The combination of grassroots activism and backing from hardened football fanatics may make the coming election cycle more interesting than Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan may wish. Polls say the AKP maintains a 50 percent share of popular support post-Gezi, but the audacity with which the Prime Minister has slighted the protest movement may just come back to haunt him.
All views expressed in this blog post are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of, and should not be attributed to, The Majalla magazine.
