Quartet for Status Quo

Quartet for Status Quo

[caption id="attachment_55235479" align="alignnone" width="620"] Former British Prime Minister Tony Blair, Secretary Clinton, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, and EU foreign policy chief Catherine Ashton attend a news conference in 2010[/caption]Following Barack Obama’s second electoral victory for president of the United States, Tony Blair—former UK prime minister and Envoy of the Quartet on the Middle East (comprised of the United States, European Union, United Nations and Russia)—announced that Obama’s second term would provide an opportunity to revive peace talks between Israeli and Palestinian leaders.

It is a rare moment when Blair appears in the mainstream media; it is so infrequent, in fact, that I had nearly forgotten about him. His statement, though, provides us with an opportunity to re-open the discussion on the value of the Quartet and its stated, yet perhaps unintended, role as a mechanism to broker an Israeli-Palestinian agreement.

The very existence of the Quartet reflects the international community’s bankruptcy in courageous political leadership truly dedicated to strengthening and implementing an international system based on human rights and the rule of law in a way that does not favor one position over another. The banging on about peace talks without concrete action on the part of key international players—or the parties to the conflict for that matter—ignores the nature of the Israeli military occupation, which itself precludes a negotiated settlement.



[inset_left]The very existence of the Quartet reflects the international community’s bankruptcy in courageous political leadership truly dedicated to strengthening and implementing an international system based on human rights and the rule of law.[/inset_left]



Tony Blair was brought in to lead in creating the economic conditions necessary for the establishment of a Palestinian state, no doubt due to his credentials as a skilled politician, but we all know that in situations of political conflict, economic measures without political substance inevitably fail.

Khaled Elgindy of the Saban Center for Middle East Policy takes the position that the lack of consensus among its members, alongside US dominance of the group, has prevented the Quartet from achieving what it originally set out to achieve.

“Any benefits the plan may have offered were nullified by the divergent goals of the United States and the other three Quartet members, along with their desire to maintain the unity of the group at all costs,” Elgindy writes.

In The Middle East Quartet: A Post Mortem, Elgindy points to the Israeli government’s suspicious attitude toward the Quartet, reflected in its outright objections to international or independent monitoring, as the primary reason for the depoliticization of the Quartet as a body.

Israel’s position is one of hundreds of signals that it is not serious about resolving the Palestinian issue. In fact, the government has gone further then simply rejecting outside help and has actually obstructed any and all attempts at finding a solution.

Meanwhile, the EU has said that its involvement, however small, gives it leverage over the two parties, but it has no such thing. On the contrary, that so-called leverage has been turned on its head as Israel continues to act with impunity while the EU gives its blessing through inaction.

Think about what an utter failure the international community carries on its shoulders: 60-plus years, millions of lives destroyed, billions of dollars spent, and thousands of hours of time wasted. Yet, the madness continues.

Such severe power imbalances in conflict require the international community to act decisively (Syria anyone?) if it is indeed interested in resolving problems of regional or global importance.

It is time for the Quartet to take its place in the graveyard of Middle East peace initiatives.

Obama’s re-election is an opportunity to revive peace talks—Blair is right—but they would be peace talks without significantly-reduced US participation. Analysts have noted that the Obama administration has a number of priorities and the peace process is not one of them.

Therefore, the timing is right for other international players, such as the Arab League and the EU to try their hand at Middle East peace. Not process, but incentivized steps leading to a final and fair resolution.
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