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A long career in the world of diplomacy did not rid Bassiouni of his understanding of the military, which he developed when he served as an intelligence officer. Later, Bassiouni was a prominent figure in the background of various (and sensitive) international negotiations. The experience granted him an insight unavailable to those outside the diplomatic scene, especially since he famously avoided emotional reactions. For this reason, Bassiouni’s views towards continuing to supply Israel with Egyptian natural gas—and his warnings in regards to cancelling the peace treaty between Israel and Egypt—were a matter of controversy on the Egyptian street.
Bassiouni expressed some reservations towards re-establishing relations with Iran due to perceived Persian ambitions. He also hinted that role of intelligence agencies would remain prominent even during peaceful times.
His distinction as a diplomat is closely tied to his 21 years serving at the Egyptian embassy in Tel Aviv, eighteen as ambassador. In this interview with The Majalla—which happens to be the last he gave before he died on the morning of 18 September, 2011, aged 74—the former ambassador sheds some light on the complex diplomatic relationships in the region.
To read the second part of this interview, please click here
The Majalla: Do you expect the animosity between Egypt and Israel to continue?
Proper assessment of situations requires a comprehensive vision and an understanding of the bigger picture in order to serve a country’s interests. Thus, we have got to place all our trust in the High Military Council and in the government to take the appropriate measures, as they are better able to assess situations. We have to apply special attention towards achieving internal security and towards fulfilling our international commitments for the sake of Egypt’s global reputation.
Q: From your manner, I sense that you are satisfied with the Military Council. Is this correct?
Of course. I am one hundred percent satisfied with the council. For your information, the council does not intend to remain in command. The council aims at passing over the responsibility to a civilian-based authority following the legislative elections, the realization of the constitution and the presidential elections. It will hand all this over on a platter made of platinum, not silver, before it heads back to fulfill its duties at the military camps. We have got to support the council, without whom the revolution would have never been successful, as it supported and protected it.
Q: What are your thoughts in regards to those who are dissatisfied with the Military Council?
I believe that there are those who do not wish good for Egypt and who seek to place a wedge between the people and the army. Recently, a discovery has been made of a number of foreign entities that had spent over 181 million Egyptian pounds, during the recent events, in attempts to terminate the Egyptian revolution. Regrettably, the involvement of an Arab country in this matter will be announced shortly.
[caption id="attachment_55226661" align="alignleft" width="300" caption="On the right of the picture, Bassiouni the officer, with Sadat"]
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We need to realize that the Egyptian Army consists of a group of loyal military officers who aim to achieve a secure, peaceful and composed transition of power to a modern, civilian-led, democratic state. This process requires the implementation of three rules; correct application of democracy, transparency—as the public should be informed of all happenings—and the prosecution of those accountable, which is what the Military Council performs during the transitional phase.
Q: What are the most important characteristics required for the next president?
The first president following the revolution should have a military background, i.e. a member of the armed forces, as to have a suitably strong relationship with the army. The new president should be capable of dealing with the army and should have a sense of national security and discipline. This, however, does not mean that I advocate militarizing the state. He will be an elected president, but it would be preferable if this elected president has a previous experience with the military, so to be capable of dealing with the transitional phase.
Q: Speaking of presidents, what are your thoughts on Mubarak’s trial?
I personally believe that this man offered a lot to his country in the past and does not deserve to be humiliated in his last days. There is no reason why his sons and men should not be tried, but we need to take into account Mubarak’s history of service. Besides, the decision is in the hands of the court. I feel deep sadness when I compare the honorable treatment we granted King Farouk—upon his departure from Egypt following the July Revolution—with the way we are currently handling an Egyptian president, who took part in battles and who gave a great deal. I always feel sad when I think of how we offend our leaders.
Q: Is it possible for a religious wave— similar to that of the post-Iranian Revolution—to strike Egypt, since the popularity of the religious movements in Egypt is on the rise?
This will not happen simply because the Egyptians are religious by nature, but are also moderate in their faith. I, for example, am a moderate religious person who never misses a prayer and who performed Al-Hajj back in 1975 and Al-Umrah four times. This is generally the case for the Egyptian people, who also do not tolerate extremism. Besides, we are in the throes of democracy. No one entity would take over unless willed by the people. These popular religious movements would have to cluster with other movements and parties in order to reach power. Even then, they would not have exclusive rule.
To read part two of this interview please click here
